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The End of Place
[Excerpt From Chapter Two]
The Nature of Place
Before the car, or more particularly before the highway, the essential challenge
of cities was to keep everything from being in the same place. The city was
centripetal. Like a black hole, the nature of a city or town was to suck everything
to one point. People needed to be near the railroad, the port, the factory
to get to their jobs, and factories needed to be near the people and transportation
links. This was why reformers championed public parks. Called the lungs of
the cities, they were spots of greenery in the tightly packed clumps of buildings
and streets. And it took real community effort to put them there. Valuable
and scarce land, which could have been converted into homes and businesses,
had to be set aside by the public. The tendency of the pre-automobile city
to suck people to specific points only intensified with the transportation
advances of the nineteenth century, which drew people, machinery, businesses,
and money toward the subway stop, the streetcar stop, the railroad terminal.
Just the opposite conditions prevail today. The city is centrifugal. The city
is more akin to a giant salad spinner, spraying growth out over the countryside
indiscriminately. Growth still clusters around transportation sources, except
that it is now the freeway off-ramp rather than the subway stop or train station.
But the growth circle of a streetcar is measured in blocks because people
have to walk there. The growth circle of a freeway off-ramp in measured in
miles, because people drive there, and need places to put their cars at each
end. Consequently, there is no particular advantage to being right near one's
workplace. In fact, there is considerable advantage to being as far away from
work or other necessities as possible. The person who locates himself on the
fringes gets the advantage of bigger lots and more peace and quiet, while
still being able to "raid" the jobs and commerce of the metropolis as a whole.
Thus the city expands ever outward, with each person and developer reaching
the short-term gain of being the farthest out.
The drive to establish parks is anachronistic now, because we no longer live
packed in a block with no green space nearby. Now, most of us live surrounded
by green space, from our backyards to the berms and shrubbery that surround
the shopping mall and local gas station. We are enveloped in greenery, because
the low-density environment has plenty of spaces for trees, shrubs, and spare
land that is left as forest or fields. Now, a park is just about providing
recreation, not relief from crowding and congestion.
The essential dynamic of cities and places has changed. The fundamental challenge
of cities today is to keep everything from being everywhere at once. The modern
push to establish growth boundaries can be compared to the drive in the past
to establish parks. Each movement is attempting to check a fundamental tendency
of the form in favor of the public good. The public good now concerns containment,
whereas before it was the reverse. Kenneth Jackson, a historian of the suburbs,
said, "The effect of the auto on the city is analogous to what astronomers
call the big bang theory of the universe."2 In the past, cities sucked inward.
With the car, they exploded outward.
This big bang has increased exponentially the rate cities consume land. Urban
historian Robert Fishman noted, "The basic unit of the new city is not the
street measured in blocks but the 'growth corridor' stretching 50 to 100 miles.
Where the leading metropolis of the early 20th century--New York, London,
or Berlin--covered perhaps 100 square miles, the new city routinely encompasses
two to three thousand [square] miles."3
A news article about contemporary Atlanta, a particularly acute case, gives
a glimpse of the dynamic. "Over the past six years, Atlanta has gobbled up
more land than any metro area, anywhere. Each year, the region's suburban
boundaries grow by 38 square miles.-.-.-. As a result, commuters-.-.-. pile
up more car miles each day, per capita, than residents of any U.S. metropolis,
including Los Angeles. They also breathe the worst air of any city in the
Southeast." The fastest-growing county, Gwinnett, has tripled in population
in sixteen years to 460,000. "Seen from the air, Gwinnett looks like a vast
sea of cul-de-sacs--an estimated 9,000 of which are spread across the county."
The growth of Atlanta, the writer correctly observes, was fueled by three
Interstates built in the postwar era that converge on the region.4
Victor Gruen, father of the first enclosed shopping mall, in Minneapolis,
precisely describes the centrifugal nature of suburban development in a long
piece, which he apparently writes with some regret, about the children he
has sired. In a chart entitled "The Vicious Circle," he shows an arrow from
"Sprawl" leading to "Increased Use of Automobiles" leading to "Decreased Use
of Public Transportation" leading to "Separation of Urban Functions" leading
to "Increased Road Surfaces" leading back to "Sprawl."5
The End of Place saddens us, I believe. We have had thousands of years living
with "walls" around us in the form of streets and buildings. It's only in
the last fifty that most of us have been able to leave them. Now, like a prisoner
yearning for his old jail cell, we miss the places that once involuntarily
confined us. Although we chafed at our old constraints, we find now that we
might need them. The car and the highway have allowed us to leave our old
confines, but they also have meant we could not go back.
Is the End of Place an unavoidable consequence of the car? To answer this,
we need to understand why one method of transportation is chosen or can be
chosen.